Most countries have increased their sovereign
debt levels since the 2008/09 financial crisis to stimulate slowing economies
or bail out the greedy bankers who tried to make more money for greedy
investors. It is a sad thing really. Now governments are facing probabilities
of default (just type in sovereign debt crisis EU in google to understand just
how bad things are). To minimise the probability of default governments have to
increase tax rates, cut rebates or reduce spending. All these measures have
negative consequences for economic growth. The point is that some governments
simply don't have a choice as capital to finance expenditure dries up. The
Obama administration is letting the Bush tax cuts expire (which effectively
means that tax rates increase http://www.thefiscaltimes.com/Columns/2012/12/04/Why-the-GOP-Wont-Admit-Supply-Side-Econ-Has-Failed.aspx#page1).
Unfortunately the question about which tools to use to appropriately
consolidate the budget deficit is a rather complex one. In economics we learn
that fiscal spending and taxes have multiplier effects (i.e. a dollar increase
in spending increases economic activity by x dollars). If taxes have a lower
multiplier than spending, then increasing taxes will harm the economy less than
cutting spending. But calculating the multiplier is a very difficult task and
one cannot simply rely on any old estimate. However, there seems to be
empirical support that taxes have smaller multipliers than spending.
Let us assume that taxes damage the economy less
than spending cuts, what taxes do we change and what rates do we set? This
question is also very complex. One has to consider the redistributional
preferences of government, the public's aversion towards income inequality, the
possibility of tax evasion and tax avoidance and the possibility of
immigration. Most undergraduate textbooks show that lump-sum taxes are Pareto
efficient (the point where an increase in welfare of one individual cannot take
place without decreasing the welfare of another). This tax strategy also
assumes that government is efficient in distributing revenue collection
efficiently. Unfortunately inequality exists and governments are far from
efficient. This is why we have progressive taxes which addresses vertical
(people with higher incomes should pay more taxes) and horizontal (people with
the same income should pay the same amount of taxes) equity concerns. This
unfortunately implies a Pareto-inefficient outcome as the tax liability lies
with the minority of the population. This is very true for South Africa!
So, is it at all possible to increase the tax
rates of the tax paying population further? Can these people afford a higher
tax rate? Most probably yes. It is important to know that there is a difference
between the effective tax rate an individual pays and the statutory rate. If
person A earns R600 200 per annum he would fall in the top tax bracket. Assume
that the cut-off point is R600 000 with a lump sum tax of R100 000 and 40% tax
of anything in excess of R600 000. His total tax liability would then be (R100
000+(R600 200-R600 000)*40%) R100 080. Assume that the tax rate would increase
to 50%, then his liability would be R100 100 which is only a R20 increase. His
effective tax rate before the change is ((R100 000+R80)/R620 000) 16.141%. His
effective tax rate after the change is 16.145%. That is why you always need to
look at the change in rebates, tax rates and lump-sum taxes when the Budget is
revised.
We know from theoretical and empirical (see
Mirrlees (1971) and Saes (2012)) work that tax setting depends on:
1. The ability of labourers to shift their
productive labour hours when taxes changes. Their preference for hard work
diminishes as higher taxes are implemented (Frisch elasticities and
labour-supply elasticities)
2. The distribution of tax payers (wealth is
usually Pareto distributed)
3. Income and substitution effects. One's income
is directly affected by taxes but substitution effects depend on labour-supply
decisions. Elastic labour supply means that people can change their labour
decisions (either choose more leisure or work harder to maintain a similar
income as before the tax change). If the elasticity is larger than one, then
increasing the tax rate could result in less revenue collection as more people
decide to work less (either by reducing the amount of hours worked or by simply
not being as productive while working the same amount of hours). When the
elasticity is smaller than one then increasing the tax rate could result in
higher revenue collection as people work at the same levels as before (same
amount of hours and at the same productivity level).
In South Africa one would, a priori, expect
labour supply to be very inelastic (smaller than 1) across income earners.
Using StatsSA's Labour Force Surveys (LFS) suggests that the labour supply
elasticity is close to zero (even while controlling for other costs such as
transport or grants received). That means that one could increase tax rates and
collect more revenue. But South Africa's top income earners also have access to
other income types, which means that they can shift their labour income to
capital which has a lower tax rate. I.e. some top income earners have a lower
effective tax rate than middle and low income earners which violates the
vertical equity principle. A business owner might not get his benefits in terms
of a salary (which is subject to labour income tax), but gets his benefits in
the form of higher dividends or company profits (which are subject to much
lower rates than labour income tax). Thus raising taxes at the top end of the
income distribution might only result in tax shifting. One possible policy
remedy would be to increase tax rates on capital. Now this comes close to
Lump-sum taxation (which implies Pareto-efficiency). Obviously there are
different trade-offs involved in taxing capital such as a decrease in
investment incentive.
Setting tax rates are notoriously difficult. Just
looking at South African data would suggest that it is possible to increase the
top tax bracket, or even introduce a new top income bracket. This would not
necessarily result in a significant increase in tax burden as the effective
rates are still low. This is definitely one way to close the budget deficit
without incurring much harm on the economy overall. The only problem is that
South African's do not necessarily get a return on their taxes as spending on
education and health in the past has yielded little to be happy about (more on
this later).